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# Lamjai Media: Unfiltered voices. Crucial stories. Lamjai.in delivers essential discourse from Assam, the Northeast, and the wider East. Join the conversation.

## Sitemaps
[XML Sitemap](https://lamjai.in/sitemap_index.xml): Includes all crawlable and indexable pages.

## Posts
- [উদৰ পূৰ নোহোৱা ৰাক্ষসৰ সাধুকথা](https://lamjai.in/%e0%a6%89%e0%a6%a6%e0%a7%b0-%e0%a6%aa%e0%a7%b0-%e0%a6%a8%e0%a6%b9%e0%a7%b1-%e0%a7%b0%e0%a6%95%e0%a6%b7%e0%a6%b8%e0%a7%b0-%e0%a6%b8/): বালিৰ তলত পোত যোৱামৰাশবোৰে গম নাপালেকিমানখন পাহাৰ খালেউদৰ পূৰ হয়দৰবাৰ দখল কৰা ৰাক্ষসৰ
- [তথাপি ৰঙা (Still Red), পঁইতাচোৰা (Cockroach)](https://lamjai.in/%e0%a6%a4%e0%a6%a5%e0%a6%be%e0%a6%aa%e0%a6%bf-%e0%a7%b0%e0%a6%99%e0%a6%be-red-still-%e0%a6%aa%e0%a6%81%e0%a6%87%e0%a6%a4%e0%a6%be%e0%a6%9a%e0%a7%8b%e0%a7%b0%e0%a6%be-cockroach/): শিমলু সৰা সেই যে ছবিখন
- [Mapping Home](https://lamjai.in/mapping-home/): Keep track of the errors of our forgetfulness; the fog steals our children while we sleep.
- [উজনিৰ মহাপ্ৰলয়ৰ বাবে জবাবদিহি কোন হ’ব](https://lamjai.in/%e0%a6%89%e0%a6%9c%e0%a6%a8%e0%a6%bf%e0%a7%b0-%e0%a6%ae%e0%a6%b9%e0%a6%be%e0%a6%aa%e0%a7%8d%e0%a7%b0%e0%a6%b2%e0%a6%af%e0%a6%bc%e0%a7%b0-%e0%a6%ac%e0%a6%be%e0%a6%ac%e0%a7%87-%e0%a6%9c%e0%a6%ac/): অসমৰ কেবাখনো বাতৰি কাকতত প্ৰকাশ পাইছে যে উজনিৰ চৰাইদেউ, শিৱসাগৰ,যোৰহাট, ডিব্ৰুগড়, গোলাঘাটকে ধৰি ১২ খন জিলাৰ ৮৫৬ খন গাঁৱৰ প্ৰায় ৭ লাখ লোক বানত ক্ষতিগ্ৰস্ত হৈছে আৰু জিলা প্ৰশাসনে এতিয়াও প্ৰায় আশী হাজাৰ বানাক্ৰান্তৰ ওচৰ চাপিব পৰা নাই৷ স্বয়ং অসমৰ মুখ্যমন্ত্ৰীজনে অসহায়ভাৱে স্বীকাৰ কৰিছে যে নাজিৰা বিধানসভা সমষ্টিৰ ৩০ শতাংশ আৰু শিৱসাগৰ সমষ্টিৰ ২০ শতাংশ বান প্ৰভাবিত অঞ্চললৈ প্ৰশাসন যাব পৰা নাই৷ চৰকাৰে এই লোকসকলক স্পৰ্শ কৰিব পৰা নাই৷ পানী কমিছে যদিও পথৰ ওপৰত বালি আৰু পলসৰ তৰপ থকা বাবে কোনো যাব পৰা নাই৷ এই লোকসকল সংযোগৰ বাহিৰত আছে৷ মুখ্যমন্ত্ৰীজনৰ এই স্বীকাৰোক্তি আৰু বিশেষকৈ চৰাইদেউ, শিৱসাগৰ জিলাত হোৱা অভূৰ্তপূৰ্ব প্ৰলয়কংৰী বানৰ প্ৰসংগত আমি এই লেখাত কেইটামান প্ৰশ্নৰ উত্থাপন কৰিবলৈ বিচাৰিছো৷ যি সময়ত নাগালেণ্ড ৰাজ্যৰপৰা নামি অহা বানৰ ঢলে অসমৰ থলুৱা মানুহৰ মূল আবাসস্থলীস্বৰূপ অঞ্চলবোৰৰ লাখ-লাখ লোকৰ ঘৰ-দুৱাৰ, খেতিপথাৰ, জীৱন-জীৱিকা তচ্‌নচ্‌ কৰি দিছে সেই সময়ত অসমীয়া মানুহৰ সামগ্ৰিক অস্তিত্বৰ প্ৰসংগত এই প্ৰশ্ন কেইটা আমি অতি জৰুৰী বুলি বিবেচনা কৰিছো৷
- [My Days and Nights of Learning with Jugeswari Hazarika, Baghjan Village](https://lamjai.in/my-days-and-nights-of-learning-with-jugeswari-hazarika-baghjan-village/): On 17 February 2023, together with Bijaya Sarmah and Pinky Biswas, I travelled to Baghjan Village to initiate a collaborative health survey with Baghjan Gaon Milan Jyoti Yuva Sangha and volunteers from Dibrugarh University and the Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Guwahati. The survey emerged from the villagers' belief that health conditions had deteriorated following the oil inferno of 2020 which significantly contaminated the village's soil, air, and water bodies. That afternoon, after touring the village and visiting a few oil infrastructures, we gathered in the gaonbura’s (village headman) courtyard. Over cups of tea, we introduced ourselves and then immersed in trying to locate the history of oil extraction in the village and the social consequences of hosting oil infrastructures and policies that accompanied. As our conversation unfolded, Jugeswari Hazarika, the gaonbura's wife, joined us. After gathering as sense of what exactly were the kinds of stories and details we hoped to document she began sharing her account— the gradual transformation of the village she witnessed, people's everyday struggles in the relief camps and the like. She filled in details, she felt her husband, the then village headman and her son (Monoj Hazarika, the present village headman and one of the petitioners of the Baghjan case) missed. It didn’t take us much time to realise that Jugeswari Hazarika was a leader in her own right. Deeply invested in her people and their concerns, her attentiveness and generosity revealed a form of leadership rooted in everyday acts of care, listening, and community-making.
- [The River Remembers: What the Flood in Upper Assam Should Teach Us](https://lamjai.in/the-river-remembers-what-the-flood-in-upper-assam-should-teach-us/): I carry my own memories of great floods. In my childhood, our home was inundated several times by the Jhanji. But one memory still intrigues me. In 1988, I was a student of Sivasagar College, living in a hostel that stood in the middle of a paddy field. One night, water from the Dikhow inundated the hostel. We remained there for two more days, catching fish in the flooded compound, until our provisions were exhausted and we had no choice but to return home. Along the National Highway from Gaurisagar to Jamuguri, thousands of people were sheltering beside the road. The paddy fields on both sides had turned into a sea from which trees and houses protruded. People were angry, for most had lost their granaries and many their livestock. Seeing so many people on the road was new to me, and it has never faded. Whenever I see a flood, read about one, or merely imagine one, that picture still comes back.
- [Guardians of Culture](https://lamjai.in/guardians-of-culture/): Northeast India is not just about beautiful landscapes—it is about people, culture, and identity. From languages and food to festivals and traditions, the region reflects a deep connection with nature and community. This piece highlights why preserving these cultures matters and how both elders and youth play a key role in keeping them alive in a changing world.
- [A Nation at Protests: Re-evaluating Democratic Accountability in Modern India](https://lamjai.in/a-nation-at-protests-re-evaluating-democratic-accountability-in-modern-india/): The Preamble to the Constitution of India loftily defines the nation as a "Sovereign, Socialist, Secular, Democratic Republic," textually committed to securing Justice, Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity for its constituent populace. Yet, for a nation numbering roughly 1.41 billion citizens, the operational realities of these constitutional guarantees are persistently contested. Governing a demographic landscape of such immense scale and diversity introduces chronic systemic strain. 
- [From Sarajevo 1984 to FIFA 2026: The Lessons We Forgot, the Borders We Built](https://lamjai.in/from-sarajevo-1984-to-fifa-2026-the-lessons-we-forgot-the-borders-we-built/): Sarajevo, 1984, showed that sport could build bridges when politics built walls. In the midst of the Cold War, athletes from rival political systems competed together, proving that humanity could rise above ideology. FIFA 2026 was meant to carry that legacy forward. Instead, visa delays, entry restrictions and unequal treatment threaten to turn the world’s game into another arena of exclusion. If politics decides who may travel, who may compete and who may cheer, football no longer unites the world—it merely reflects its divisions. Sarajevo asked: Can we compete without conflict? In 2026, the question seems to be: Can you participate if you come from the right country?
- [When the Body Speaks: A Critical Reading of Fasting as Democratic Communication](https://lamjai.in/when-the-body-speaks-a-critical-reading-of-fasting-as-democratic-communication/): The recent fast undertaken by Sonam Wangchuk in Ladakh once again brought national attention to a form of protest that has a long history in democratic politics. From Mahatma Gandhi's fasts during India's freedom struggle to Bobby Sands' hunger strike in Northern Ireland, fasting has often been used when conventional channels of communication appear ineffective. These acts are frequently celebrated as examples of moral courage and self-sacrifice. While such interpretations have merit, fasting deserves a more critical examination. It is not merely a personal act of sacrifice; it is a powerful form of political communication. At the same time, its effectiveness and ethical implications raise important questions about the health of democratic systems themselves.
- [Mr. Spock, Bhebla and Ms. Tewary](https://lamjai.in/mr-spock-bhebla-and-ms-tewary/): Last November, the Chief Minister of Assam suddenly announced that the government would table the Tewary Commission Report in the Assembly and make the report publicly available. It was an old inquiry into the Assam disturbances of 1983, unpublished for decades. A journalist friend brought me a copy, a thick red-bound volume of 548 pages. We planned to release it publicly before the government did. For days, I read nothing else.
- [নাৰীবাদী সমালোচনাৰ বিকাশ: চিমন দ্য ব’ভ্যুৱাৰ আৰু অসমীয়া সাহিত্যত নাৰীবাদ](https://lamjai.in/%e0%a6%a8%e0%a6%be%e0%a7%b0%e0%a7%80%e0%a6%ac%e0%a6%be%e0%a6%a6%e0%a7%80-%e0%a6%b8%e0%a6%ae%e0%a6%be%e0%a6%b2%e0%a7%8b%e0%a6%9a%e0%a6%a8%e0%a6%be%e0%a7%b0-%e0%a6%ac%e0%a6%bf%e0%a6%95%e0%a6%be%e0%a6%b6/): নাৰীবাদী সাহিত্য-সমালোচনাৰ শিপা ইউৰোপীয় আলোকায়নৰ যুক্তিবাদ আৰু মানৱাধিকাৰ-চিন্তাত নিহিত। আলোকায়নে 'মানুহ'ক সাৰ্বজনীন, স্বাধীন সত্তা হিচাপে প্ৰতিষ্ঠা কৰাৰ দাবী কৰিছিল যদিও, সেই সাৰ্বজনীনতাৰ অন্তৰালত নাৰী কেনেকৈ প্ৰান্তীয় হ'ল—এই প্ৰশ্নই আধুনিক নাৰীবাদী সমালোচনাৰ জন্মভূমি।মেৰী উ'লষ্টনক্ৰাফ্টে ১৭৯২ চনত 'A Vindication of the Rights of Woman'-ত নাৰীক যুক্তিবোধসম্পন্ন, আত্মনিৰ্ণয়ক্ষম ব্যক্তি হিচাপে স্বীকৃতি দিয়াৰ দাবী তোলে—যদি স্বাধীনতা আৰু নাগৰিক অধিকাৰ মানৱ-অস্তিত্বৰ সাৰ্বজনীন অধিকাৰ, তেন্তে নাৰীক তাৰ পৰা বঞ্চিত কৰাৰ বৈধতা ক'ত?হ'ৰেচ ৱ'লপ'লে তেখেতক 'a hyena in petticoats' বুলি তীৰ্যক আক্ৰমণ কৰিছিল—এই মন্তব্যই নাৰীৰ বৌদ্ধিক আত্মপ্ৰতিষ্ঠাৰ বিৰুদ্ধে পিতৃতান্ত্ৰিক প্ৰতিক্ৰিয়াৰ দলিল হৈ ৰয়। ঊনবিংশ শতিকাৰ প্ৰথম ঢৌৰ নাৰীবাদে ভোটাধিকাৰ আৰু শিক্ষাৰ প্ৰশ্নক আন্দোলনৰ সৈতে সংযুক্ত কৰিছিল, অৱশ্যে নাৰীবাদী সমালোচনাই তাত্ত্বিক পৰিপক্বতা লাভ কৰে বিংশ শতিকাৰ মাজভাগত, ১৯৪৯ চনত চিমন দ্য ব'ভ্যুৱাৰৰ 'The Second Sex' প্ৰকাশৰ লগে লগে।
- [The Crisis that the Assamese Middle Class is yet to Get Over: A Comment on Kokadeuta Nati aru Hati 2](https://lamjai.in/the-crisis-that-the-assamese-middle-class-is-yet-to-get-over-a-comment-on-kokadeuta-nati-aru-hati-2/): By the end of this piece, the reader may be as unsure as I am whether it is a film review or an attempt to unveil a social reality lying beneath the latest Assamese film Kokadeuta, Nati aru Hati 2, a sequel to 1983 film by the same name. Well, what connects both the films is perhaps only the name. What’s running in the theatres is an obnoxious mixture of the rural nostalgia of a waning middle class with the contemporary fast-paced masala action that has become an unavoidable seasoning in film-making, all thanks to Bollywood & Tollywood!
- [কেন্দ্ৰীয় বিশ্ববিদ্যালয়ৰ সংকট আৰু ছাত্ৰ ঐক্যৰ কলৰৱ](https://lamjai.in/%e0%a6%95%e0%a7%87%e0%a6%a8%e0%a7%8d%e0%a6%a6%e0%a7%8d%e0%a7%b0%e0%a7%80%e0%a6%af%e0%a6%bc-%e0%a6%ac%e0%a6%bf%e0%a6%b6%e0%a7%8d%e0%a6%ac%e0%a6%ac%e0%a6%bf%e0%a6%a6%e0%a7%8d%e0%a6%af%e0%a6%be%e0%a6%b2/): ৰাজনৈতিক দলৰ হস্তক্ষেপ নথকাকৈ আজিৰ দিনত আন্দোলন সম্ভবনে ? আজিৰ দিন বুলি ক’লে ২০১৪ৰ পৰা বর্তমানলৈ চলি থকা সময়ছোৱা।‌ এই সময়ছোৱাত তেন্তে আন্দোলন আছেনে নাই অথবা আন্দোলন একোটা গঢ়ি উঠিছেনে নাই? নে এই সময়ছোৱা বহুবছৰ ধৰি অপেক্ষা কৰি থকা ভাল সময়ৰ নমুনা? আৰু ২০১৪ ৰ পৰাই কিয় এই প্ৰশ্নটো আহে? আন্দোলনৰ যোগেৰে উঠোৱা মৌলিক প্ৰশ্নবোৰ জনতাৰ মাজলৈ নাযাওক, সেইটোকেই নিয়ন্ত্ৰণ কৰিবলৈ ৰাষ্ট্ৰতন্ত্ৰটোৱে বহু সময়ত সক্ৰিয় হৈ থাকে নেকি? গণতান্ত্ৰিক দেশ এখনত বিভিন্ন পৰিপ্ৰেক্ষাত হোৱা আন্দোলনসমূহে কিদৰে দেশ এখনৰ প্ৰকৃত গণতান্ত্ৰিকতা বৰ্তাই ৰাখিব পাৰে? এইবোৰ প্ৰশ্নৰ উত্তৰ বিচাৰি আমি অসমত অৱস্থিত এখন বিশ্ববিদ্যালয়ৰ ছাত্ৰ আন্দোলনৰ ওপৰত এক আলোচনা কৰিবলৈ বিচাৰিছোঁ। অসমৰ ছাত্ৰ আন্দোলনৰ কথা ক’বলৈ ইয়াৰ এক দীঘলীয়া ইতিহাস আছে । থাউকতে কেইটামান দশকলৈ উভতি চাওঁ, যি দশক আমাৰ প্রজন্মই স্বচক্ষে দেখা নাই অথচ তাৰ অনুৱর্তী সময়ত আমি জী আছো। আশীৰ দশকৰ এই আন্দোলনটোৰ মূলতেই আছিল বহিৰাগতৰ দলে অসমৰ অর্থনৈতিক শক্তিটো নিজৰ কৰি লোৱাৰ বিৰুদ্ধে সংগঠিত জনতাৰ দল। এই জনতাৰ দলক নেতৃত্ব দিছিল ছাত্র সমাজে। পঁচাশীৰ পাছত কেইবাটাও দশক অতিবাহিত হল। ছয় বছৰীয়া আন্দোলনটোৱে বহুকেইটা পৰিণামৰ পৰিপ্ৰেক্ষা থৈ গ’ল। এই ছয়বছৰীয়া আন্দোলনত গুলী খোৱা অসমৰ জনতাৰ বুকুৰ তেজৰে অসম চুক্তিৰ দাবী উত্থাপিত হ’ল আৰু তাৰ ফলস্বৰূপেই ১৯৯৩ চনৰ তেজপুৰ বিশ্ববিদ্যালয় আইনৰ জৰিয়তে, বিষ্ণু ৰাভাই সাধাৰণ জনতাৰ বাবে দান কৰা মাটিত তেজপুৰ বিশ্ববিদ্যালয় ১৯৯৪ চনৰ পৰা কাৰ্যকৰী হৈ উঠিল। এই বিশ্ববিদ্যালয়তে যোৱাটো বৰ্ষত প্ৰশাসনিক আৰু শৈক্ষিক সংকটক লৈ ছাত্ৰসমাজৰ নেতৃত্বত এক আন্দোলন আৰম্ভ হ’ল । চাবলৈ গ’লে অসমৰ আন্দোলনৰ ইতিহাসত এই আন্দোলনটো এটা নতুন সংযোজন হ’ব বুলি ক’ব পাৰি। এক দীঘলীয়া সময়ৰ ঐক্যবদ্ধ ছাত্ৰ আন্দোলনটোৰ বিস্তৃত বিশ্লেষণৰ প্ৰয়োজন বাৰুকৈয়ে আছে । বহু ক্ষেত্ৰত ইয়াৰ সীমাবদ্ধতাৰ অৱকাশ থাকিলেও তেজপুৰ বিশ্ববিদ্যালয়ৰ চৌহদৰ পৰিসীমাত আৰম্ভ হোৱা ছাত্ৰ আন্দোলনটোৱে অসমৰ বিভিন্ন শিক্ষানুষ্ঠানৰ ছাত্ৰ সমাজ তথা অসমৰ নাগৰিকৰ বাবে ৰাজহুৱা শিক্ষাখণ্ডৰ সংকটৰ সমাধানৰ বাবে এক আলোচনাৰ পথ মুকলি কৰি তুলিলে ।
- [Do Not Begin From Mentality: Notes on Akhil Gogoi’s Proposal for Assam’s Economic Transformation](https://lamjai.in/do-not-begin-from-mentality-notes-on-akhil-gogois-proposal-for-assams-economic-transformation/): On 3 July, at Silpagram in Guwahati, Raijor Dal’s youth organisation, Jatiya Juba Bahini, marked its fourth foundation day with a special lecture by Akhil Gogoi titled “অসমৰ অৰ্থনৈতিক ইস্তাহাৰ” or “Assam’s Economic Manifesto.” Several independent thinkers, intellectuals and activists were invited to engage with the lecture. I was one of them.
- [Photo](https://lamjai.in/photo-sobi/): Introductory translator’s note: This is yet another incredible short story from Saurav Kumar Chaliha’s impressive oeuvre. His unique punctuation style is defined by long sentences, and generously sprinkled with commas, semi-colons, and em dashes. The translation preserves Chaliha’s style by retaining these punctuation and sentence structures. These techniques–constituting a “stream-of-consciousness” method– draw comparisons to James Joyce. This translation shows that Chaliha’s expansive creative field is much wider than previously imagined, including experiments with photography and film.
- [জুবিন আৰু ধৰ্ম](https://lamjai.in/__trashed/): আমাৰ এই আলোচনাৰ বিষয় জুবিন গাৰ্গ নহয়, বৰং অসমৰ ৰাইজৰ মাজত বহুলব্যাপ্ত তেওঁৰ মানস প্ৰতিমাটোহে৷ জুবিনৰ সাংগীতিক যাত্ৰা, ব্যক্তিত্ব তথা চিন্তা সম্পৰ্কে আমি ইতিমধ্যে বিস্তাৰিতভাৱে বিশ্লেষণ কৰিছো ‘জুবিন : অসমৰ প্ৰাণস্পন্দন’ (২০২৫) শীৰ্ষক ৰচনাত৷ ইয়াত আমি আলোকপাত কৰিম জুবিনৰ বিষয়ে মানুহে কি ভাবে আৰু কি অনুভৱ কৰে সেই ভাবনা-অনুভৱৰ কিছুমান আয়তনৰ ওপৰতহে৷ এই কাহিনীটো জুবিনৰো কাহিনী, অসমীয়া সমাজখনৰো কাহিনী৷ ইয়াৰ অবিহনে জুবিনে সম্পূৰ্ণতা লাভ কৰিব নোৱাৰে; আনহাতে, অসমীয়া সমাজখনে ইয়াৰ জৰিয়তে নিজকে জুবিনৰ মাজত আৱিষ্কাৰ কৰিছে আৰু নিজৰ অস্তিত্বজনিত আত্মিক প্ৰয়োজন পূৰণ কৰিছে৷ সাধাৰণ ভাষাত এইটো হ’ল জুবিনৰ পৱিত্ৰকৰণৰ কাহিনী, জুবিনৰ দৈৱিকীকৰণৰ কাহিনী, জুবিন ঈশ্বৰ-পুত্ৰ হৈ পৰাৰ কাহিনী৷ এই কাহিনীটোৰে কিছু দাৰ্শনিক, সমাজতাত্ত্বিক আৰু ৰাজনৈতিক দিশ উন্মোচন কৰিবলৈ আমি চেষ্টা কৰিম৷ উল্লেখ্য যে জুবিনক কেন্দ্ৰ কৰি সততে উচ্চাৰিত ধৰ্মৰ প্ৰশ্নসমূহো উপৰোক্ত ৰচনাখনত মোটামুটি আলোচনা কৰা হৈছে৷ ধৰ্ম সম্পৰ্কীয়, কিন্তু সেই আলোচনাৰ পৰিসৰৰ বাহিৰত থকা, কিছু অপ্ৰত্যক্ষগোচৰ আৰু সূক্ষ্ম প্ৰশ্ন হ’ব এই আলোচনাৰ বিষয়৷ কোনো শেষ সিদ্ধান্তত উপনীত হোৱাতকৈ চিন্তাৰ এক বহুমুখী উঁহ মুকলি কৰি দিয়াই আমাৰ উদ্দেশ্য৷ সেইবাবে ক্ষেত্ৰবিশেষে বিশ্লেষণক আঁটিল কৰিবলৈ যৎপৰোনাস্তি চেষ্টা নকৰি বিষয়টো বিভিন্ন তাত্ত্বিক ফ্ৰেমৱৰ্কৰ সুৰুঙাৰে জুমি চাবলৈ চেষ্টা কৰা হ’ব৷ 
- [Doctors as Champions of Social Change](https://lamjai.in/doctors-as-champions-of-social-change/): July 1 is Doctors’ Day, an annual observance aimed at appreciating the roles and responsibilities being played by each and every Doctor to keep India healthy. It is also a time for doctors to reflect on their own standards of practice, realise the responsibility they bear and improve the quality of patient care. The Day was established by the Government of India in 1991 to recognise the contributions of the legendary and internationally renowned physician Dr. Bidhan Chandra Roy. He was born on July 1, 1882 and died on the same date in 1962. He achieved the rare feat of obtaining F.R.C.S and M.R.C.P degrees simultaneously. He was also an educator, freedom fighter and politician. He served as the second Chief Minister of West Bengal for 14 years(1948-1962). Dr. Roy was honoured with India’s highest civilian award, Bharat Ratna, in 1961.
- [Politics: Essence and Deception](https://lamjai.in/politics-essence-and-deception/): ​(In the context of contemporary Indian ruling politics)
- [The Work of AI in an Age of Digital (Re)Production: Artificial Intelligence and Academic Integrity](https://lamjai.in/the-work-of-ai-in-an-age-of-digital-reproduction-artificial-intelligence-and-academic-integrity/): The release of Chat GPT an Artificial Intelligence (AI) application in November 2022, has unleashed a furore in the academic community. More such Large Language Model tools or companions like Claude, Gemini, Copilot has followed in its wake. In response to a prompt, the AI chat bots can generate coherent long form discursive prose on a given topic, prepare slides, summarise and generate content. This has led to universities in the USA to rewrite their academic codes of honour, initiating discussions on the issue, dividing academicians over whether they should ask students to go back to writing assignments by putting pen to paper or embrace AI and use  Chat GPT as a tool, just like calculators. I argue that the Chat GPT and other AI tools obsession provides an opportunity to examine three issues that plague higher education in India in general and the university in particular. First, I examine the question of academic integrity (AI) and the role of ethics in engaging machine intelligence. The second issue pertains to our response-ability to this AI turn. Finally I situate the Chat GPT controversy in the transformation of higher education and the university in contemporary times. 
- [In the Republic of Cockroaches: Reading India through Kafka](https://lamjai.in/in-the-republic-of-cockroaches-reading-india-through-kafka/): Historically, satire in India often functioned as entertainment rather than disruption. Cartoons mocked politicians; stand-up comics ridiculed public life. But social media has fundamentally altered the grammar of dissent. Memes now travel faster than manifestos. Irony carries greater emotional resonance than speeches.
- [From Policy to Paper Leak: The Political Economy of NEET](https://lamjai.in/from-policy-to-paper-leak-the-political-economy-of-neet/): The crisis surrounding NEET paper leaks cannot be understood merely as a failure of examination security or policing. It must instead be located within the long-term structural transformation of the Indian education system — a transformation that gradually shifted education from a public and social good into a competitive market governed by privatization, centralization, and high-stakes testing. The emergence of coaching capitalism and the recurring phenomenon of paper leaks are products of this deeper historical process.
- [নিৰ্বাচনৰ পোষ্টমৰ্টেম- গণতন্ত্ৰৰ মৃত্যুও য’ত উদযাপন](https://lamjai.in/%e0%a6%a8%e0%a6%bf%e0%a7%b0%e0%a7%8d%e0%a6%ac%e0%a6%be%e0%a6%9a%e0%a6%a8%e0%a7%b0-%e0%a6%aa%e0%a7%8b%e0%a6%b7%e0%a7%8d%e0%a6%9f%e0%a6%ae%e0%a7%b0%e0%a7%8d%e0%a6%9f%e0%a7%87%e0%a6%ae-%e0%a6%97-2/): অসমৰ শেহতীয়া নিৰ্বাচনী ফলাফলে এণ্টনিঅ’ গ্ৰামচিয়ে উল্লেখ কৰা ‘সাংস্কৃতিক আধিপত্য’ৰ (cultural hegemony) এক স্পষ্ট নিদৰ্শন দাঙি ধৰিছে। যিবোৰ অনুষ্ঠান-প্ৰতিষ্ঠানক নাগৰিকে বিশ্বাস কৰে, সেইবোৰৰ জৰিয়তেই সন্মতি উৎপাদনৰ এক কৌশল ৰচনা কৰা হৈছে। ফলস্বৰূপে, স্বাধীনতা সুৰক্ষিত কৰিবলৈ নিৰ্মাণ কৰা যন্ত্ৰবোৰেই আজি গণতন্ত্ৰৰ মৃত্যুৰ আহিলা হৈ পৰিছে। আটাইতকৈ তাৎপৰ্যপূৰ্ণ কথাটো হ’ল, এই সমগ্ৰ প্ৰক্ৰিয়াটো ইমানেই স্বাভাৱিক ৰূপত উপস্থাপন কৰা হৈছে যে জনমানসত ইয়াৰ বিৰুদ্ধে কোনো অসন্তুষ্টি বা আপত্তিৰ অবকাশ নাই। ১৯৩০ৰ দশকত ফেচীবাদী কাৰাগাৰৰ পৰা লিখা গ্ৰামচিয়ে এই কথাটো ভালদৰে বুজি পাইছিল। 
- [Reform without Resources: Assam’s Higher Education at a Crossroads](https://lamjai.in/reform-without-resources-assams-higher-education-at-a-crossroads/): The implementation of the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 has further intensified these pressures. Introduced in Assam in 2023, the four-year undergraduate programme has now entered a critical phase with the progression to the fourth year. The reform mandates a wide range of additional courses, including Ability Enhancement, Value Added, Multidisciplinary, and Skill Enhancement courses. These are not peripheral additions; they are central to the NEP’s vision of holistic and flexible education.
- [দুই খলপীয়া গুৱাহাটী](https://lamjai.in/%e0%a6%a6%e0%a7%81%e0%a6%87-%e0%a6%96%e0%a6%b2%e0%a6%aa%e0%a7%80%e0%a6%af%e0%a6%bc%e0%a6%be-%e0%a6%97%e0%a7%81%e0%a7%b1%e0%a6%be%e0%a6%b9%e0%a6%be%e0%a6%9f%e0%a7%80/): দুই খলপীয়া গুৱাহাটীখন দেখিছে নে?
- [What Kokrajhar Reveals About Assam’s Delimitation](https://lamjai.in/what-kokrajhar-reveals-about-assams-delimitation/): Assam’s 2023 delimitation is often described as communal gerrymandering. That is true, but it does not go far enough. In a state where electoral politics runs across multiple fault lines, religion, tribe, caste, language, autonomy, land, and local leadership, delimitation works less as a boundary correction than as an exercise in social engineering. But such engineering rarely produces clean outcomes. It redistributes power, yet also generates unintended consequences. Kokrajhar shows why the effects of delimitation cannot be read in a simple, one-directional way.
- [We, The People of The Northeast / উই দ্য পিপ্ ল  অব্ দ্য নৰ্থ-ইষ্ট ](https://lamjai.in/we-the-people-of-the-northeast/): I live in the Northeastof India, the world’s fifth-largest economy.With every breath I take,the soil of my home slips away.In the murky waters of abandoned dams,left behind by so-called developed nations,my notebook of poems drifts dissolving.
- [Gatekeeping Knowledge: First-Generation Researchers and the Politics of Fieldwork in Northeast India](https://lamjai.in/gatekeeping-knowledge-first-generation-researchers-and-the-politics-of-fieldwork-in-northeast-india/): In India’s vast intellectual landscape, the Northeast is often described through absence missing from national debates, underrepresented in mainstream media, peripheral to dominant academic frameworks. But this language of absence hides a more complex reality. The Northeast is not simply overlooked; it is unevenly accessed. For scholars who attempt to study the region particularly in the social sciences the challenge is not just about writing against silence. It is about entering a field where access itself is structured, negotiated, and often withheld. Nowhere is this more visible than in the everyday practice of fieldwork.
- [Celebrated as Beneficiary, Disrupted as Dissenter](https://lamjai.in/celebrated-as-beneficiary-disrupted-as-dissenter/): In today’s politics, there is a strong effort to present concern for women as a material of campaign. What the Bharatiya Janata Party is doing is largely the creation of an image of women’s progress— carefully constructed through schemes, speeches, and public rallies. In Assam, under Himanta Biswa Sarma, this image presents the state as a well-wisher of women, foregrounding them as beneficiaries and symbols of development. Former CM pretending as well-wisher brother (mama) of women. Yet this remains, at its core, an exercise in image-making. This image making cannot hide real face of restricting women’s political voice and gender justice.
- [Women in Assam, Remember : Your Vote is the Test of your Consciousness.](https://lamjai.in/women-in-assam-remember-your-vote-is-the-test-of-your-consciousness/): When a woman walks into a polling booth, she needs to carry some responsibilities beyond her individual political preference. She needs to carry with her the pain of the protests, petitions and the centuries of yearning. The right to vote, for women was not a gift voluntarily granted by the benevolent leaders. It was an achievement seized from the systems built to silence the women. This right was won with rebellion and immense courage.
- [Assam Assembly Election: The Flawed Pattern](https://lamjai.in/assam-assembly-election-the-flawed-pattern/): The air in Assam’s Brahmaputra valley, thick with the onset of the monsoon, now also carries the charge of an approaching election. As the state moves toward polling day on April 9, political parties have intensified their campaigns across all 126 constituencies, offering competing visions of development, identity, and governance.
- [Public Money, Private Power](https://lamjai.in/public-money-private-power/): Got a Rapido ride from Chandmari to home and struck up an instant rapport with the captain. Paid Rs. 50 as fare, and he showed me that out of the Rs. 50, Rs. 5 went as GST. He further explained, on average, Rs. 100 per day goes as GST. This means that if he works all 30 days in a month, he pays around Rs. 3,000 as GST alone in a month. Additionally, in a typical month, he needs 60–65 liters of petrol, where nearly 50% of the price is tax. At an average rate of Rs. 98 per liter, he ends up paying around Rs. 3,185 as tax embedded in fuel costs.
- [Na Sanam Bewafa, Yeh Hai Mahilaon Ki Wafa: Cash, Care aur Assam Elections ka Real Game](https://lamjai.in/na-sanam-bewafa-yeh-hai-mahilaon-ki-wafa-cash-care-aur-assam-elections-ka-real-game/): In the evolving political landscape of Assam, one of the most significant yet under-theorised developments is the emergence of women not just as a numerical electoral force, but as a more stable and loyal voting constituency than men. This shift has profound implications for how elections are fought, how welfare is designed, and how political legitimacy is constructed. Ruling parties, particularly in Assembly elections, have increasingly recognized this pattern and responded with targeted monetary incentive schemes directed at women. These schemes modest in scale but precise in delivery—have proven effective not merely because they alleviate economic distress, but because they tap into a deeper structure of gendered political loyalty.
- [Bor Axom-an ordinary citizen’s perspective](https://lamjai.in/bor-axom-an-ordinary-citizens-perspective/): The phrase “BorAxom” is a concept that has emerged as a powerful political idea in context of the upcoming state elections. It is an aspirational idea- united Assam advancing towards sustainable prosperity while safeguarding its cultural heritage. Nonetheless Bor Axom to an ordinary citizen can be a blueprint for the future that challenges the status quo. Bor Axom can secure indigenous ownership of land and resources. It’s a fair deal for every citizen and not just for the rich and the corporations, ending massive monopolies. It’s a shared pursuit of justice, equality and unity- guiding Assam towards a resilient and secure future.
- [Election or Tennis-Ball Cricket Tournament? Assam’s Candidate List Is a Group Chat](https://lamjai.in/election-or-tennis-ball-cricket-tournament-assams-candidate-list-is-a-group-chat/): The election schedule has been announced. Dates have been fixed. Papers have been notified. Assam will vote on 9 April 2026. Counting will take place on 4 May. Nominations close on 23 March, scrutiny on 24 March, withdrawals on 26 March. The procedures are in place. The paperwork is in motion. On paper, this is an election.
- [The Trojan Horse in the Tea Gardens](https://lamjai.in/the-trojan-horse-in-the-tea-gardens/): The optics of the "INDIA" coalition have always been fragile in the Northeast, but the events of March 10, 2026, suggest they have finally shattered into a thousand contradictory pieces. As Jharkhand CM Hemant Soren descended upon the Mizikajan Tea Estate in Biswanath, he wasn't there to challenge the BJP’s hegemony; he was there to perform a clinical extraction of the Congress party's most vital organ: the Tea Tribe vote.
- [অগ্নিশুদ্ধ](https://lamjai.in/agnisudha/): প্ৰশ্ন হয় বাৰে বাৰেকোন তুমি, কি তোমাৰ স্বৰূপ !প্ৰশ্ন হয় বাৰে বাৰে কি নোহোৱা তুমিসৃষ্টি, প্ৰেম, ৰাজনীতি ক’ত যে নাই পৰশ তোমাৰ
- [অ মোৰ ওপজা ঠাই](https://lamjai.in/o-my-birthplace/): আমাৰ ঘৰৰ পূবত এখন বহল পথাৰ। স্থানীয় কাৰবিলোকে পথাৰখনক 'আংবং আহিদি' আৰু অনান্যসকলে 'মাজপথাৰ' বুলি জানে। প্ৰায় তিনি কিলোমিটাৰ দূৰৈত- চালে চকুৰোৱা শাৰিশাৰি কাৰবি পাহাৰ। অতীজৰ কাৰবিলোকে এই পাহাৰ আৰু অঞ্চলৰ বিভিন্ন স্থান বিশেষত্ব অনুযায়ী নামাকৰণ কৰি গৈছে। চৰ্লেং আংলং, আৰলং দংকি, ইংলং লাংপং, মিছ'লংজন, লংছাংপি, লংছাংছ', ইংহেত পিল'ল', নকচাম, হাম্পুৰ আদি। কলং, কপিলী, যমুনা নদীৰ পৰা উত্তৰৰ বহ্মপুত্ৰ, কাজিৰঙা অভয়াৰণ্য ব্যাপি থকা অঞ্চল কাৰবিসকলৰ বহু পৌৰাণিক মেতমৰা ইতিহাস পোৱা যায়।
- [Zubeen Garg and the Perils of a Chief Minister Playing Judge](https://lamjai.in/zubeen-garg-and-the-perils-of-a-chief-minister-playing-judge/): A sessions court in Guwahati has ordered the de-freezing of Shyamkanu Mahanta’s bank accounts and credit cards. Mahanta, along with Siddharth Sharma, is among the prime accused in the Zubeen Garg death case. The judge did it because the police did not follow mandatory safeguards under the BNSS while freezing the accounts. The court recorded two failures: no prior approval of the jurisdictional magistrate, and no report to that magistrate after the freezing. The prosecution framed it as “technical.” The court refused.
- [বৰ্ণবৈষম্যৰ পৰা উত্তৰ পূৱৰ মানুহে মুক্তি পাব কেতিয়া ?](https://lamjai.in/racism-and-northeast-india/): কল্পনা কৰক যে আপুনি এনে এখন চহৰত বাস কৰে, যিখন চহৰ আপোনাৰ নিজৰ বুলি ভাবে। আপুনি এটা সপোন বুকুত লৈ ইয়ালৈ আহিছে , এদিন অসামৰিক সেৱা পৰীক্ষা উত্তীৰ্ণ হোৱাৰ সপোন, এদিন নিজৰ দেশ’ৰ সেৱা কৰাৰ সপোন। আপুনি চহৰখনৰ এটা অট্টালিকাৰ চতুৰ্থ মহলাৰ এটা সৰু ফ্লেটত থাকে। এদিন পুৱা চাহ বনাই আছে। শীততাপ নিয়ন্ত্ৰণ যন্ত্ৰটো মেৰামতি কৰিবলৈ এজন ইলেক্ট্ৰিচিয়ান মাতিছে। মেৰামতি কৰোঁতে ধূলি পৰিছে তলৰ মহলালৈকে। আৰু তাৰপাছতেই, কোনো পূৰ্বসূচনা নোহোৱাকৈ, আপোনাৰ গোটেই পৰিচয়টোয়ে এটা জাতিবিদ্বেষী গালিৰ সৈতে মিলাই দিয়া হৈছে।— ২০২৬ চনৰ ২০ ফেব্ৰুৱাৰীত দিল্লীৰ মালৱীয়া নগৰত ঠিক এনেকুৱাই হৈছিল।
- [Why the North Korean “Nuclear Deterrence” Cliché Is Misleading in Indian Pop Commentaries](https://lamjai.in/why-the-north-korean-nuclear-deterrence-cliche-is-misleading-in-indian-pop-commentaries/): A familiar meme circulates in India’s left-liberal ecosystem whenever a new war breaks out. It says: nuclear weapons are the ultimate deterrent. North Korea built the bomb and avoided attack. Iran did not, and now it is being bombed. The implied lesson is blunt: in a treacherous world, build the bomb quickly, build it quietly, and stop talking.
- [A People, The News or Reels Could Not Decode](https://lamjai.in/a-people-the-news-or-reels-could-not-decode/): This piece sat unfinished for months. Written in the immediate aftermath of Zubeen da's passing, it felt too raw, the emotions still unsettled and unprocessed. There was hesitation about whether speaking would deepen understanding or add to the familiar swell of commentary. Recent incidents, however, made returning to these pages seem necessary.
- [The Architecture of Respectability: The Assam Tribune and the Assamese Middle Class](https://lamjai.in/the-architecture-of-respectability-the-assam-tribune-and-the-assamese-middle-class/): In the Brahmaputra Valley, the morning newspaper has never been merely a bundle of printed sheets. It is a ritual an act of self-fashioning. For generations, the soft thud of The Assam Tribune landing at the doorstep has signified more than access to information. It has marked entry into a moral and social order: disciplined, aspirational, respectable.
- [Assam’s Political Conundrum: Bhupen Borah’s Resignation And Himanta’s Postering..](https://lamjai.in/assams-political-conundrum-bhupen-borahs-resignation-and-himantas-postering/): The resignation of Bhupen Kumar Borah from the Indian National Congress comes at a politically sensitive moment in Assam. With the Assembly election approaching, the move is more than a personal decision. It reopens an uncomfortable question for the opposition: is it organisationally prepared to contest power, or is it still struggling with internal coherence?
- [The Algorithmic Transformation of Narrative and Authenticity in the 2026 Assam Assembly Elections](https://lamjai.in/the-algorithmic-transformation-of-narrative-and-authenticity-in-the-2026-assam-assembly-elections/): The 2026 Assam Assembly elections stand at the vanguard of a fundamental paradigm shift in democratic discourse, where the traditional boundaries between reality and fabrication have been structurally dissolved by generative artificial intelligence. In a state historically characterized by intricate ethnic, linguistic, and demographic anxieties, the integration of synthetic media into political campaigning has moved beyond mere technological assistance to become the primary architect of electoral narratives. This transformation is not occurring in a vacuum; it is the culmination of trends observed during the 2024 Indian general elections, where an estimated $16 billion was expended on a high-tech media environment that utilized deepfakes, voice cloning, and hyper-personalized outreach at an unprecedented scale.
- [Gaurav Gogoi Pakistan Link Vs Corruption Of HBS Family, which will set the tune for Assam election?](https://lamjai.in/gaurav-gogoi-pakistan-link-vs-corruption-of-hbs-family-which-will-set-the-tune-for-assam-election/): A tug of war between Gaurav Gogoi and Assam CM Himanta Biswa Sarma has set the likely tune of campaign of BJP for the ensuing assembly election.  The allegation of CM Sarma that Gaurav Gogoi is a Pakistani agent and had close association with the country is the catch points of BJP workers and leaders. BJP state president Dilip Saikia has said today that nobody will trust a Pakistani agent anymore  in the form of Gaurav Gogoi. 
- [Manuh, Mati aru Nodi: Re-imagining a river](https://lamjai.in/manuh-mati-aru-nodi-re-imagining-a-river/): Standing on the bridge over the Tuni river, connecting two of the easternmost villages of the Majuli island, the villagers gaze with awe at the JCB clearing the water hyacinth from the river that has long been choking it to death. They are both amused and anxious at the prospect of a river, dead for more than two decades now waking up to a new dawn.
- [এটা ৰাজনৈতিক কবিতা/ A Political Poem](https://lamjai.in/a-political-poem/): (১)
- [“I Will not Dance to the Tinkling Music of your Coins”: The Power of Refusal in Tarun Bhartiya’s Em.No.Nahi.](https://lamjai.in/i-will-not-dance-to-the-tinkling-music-of-your-coins-the-power-of-refusal-in-tarun-bhartiyas-em-no-nahi/): The late Tarun Bhartiya has the unique distinction of being part of the cast of characters in two of the finest contemporary English-language novels from Northeast India, Kynpham Sing Nongkynrih’s Funeral Nights and Janice Pariat’s Everything the Light Touches. Following the tracks of his appearances in the two novels, I initiate a cross-textual, transversal dialogue of the novels with his posthumously published photobook, Em.No.Nahi. My purpose here is to both review Em and to place it in a wider field of cultural production.
- [Which Is True : Himanta Biswa Sarma Is Irritated Or Congress Resorts To Farcical Claims ?](https://lamjai.in/which-is-true-himanta-biswa-sarma-is-irritated-or-congress-resorts-to-farcical-claims/): A Quick Recap:

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